The BJP sought to turn the tables on the opposition and charged that contrary to a narrative being generated that the party is against such a Census, it was the Congress governments of the past which were not in favour of such a census. Party leaders went public referring to how Congress PMs stood against the idea. The BJP pointed out that even the data of the 2011 Socio-Economic Caste Census carried during Dr Manmoha Singh’s tenure remained under wraps.
On the other hand, the Grand Old Party and its alliance partners lost little time claiming credit and having forced the governing coalition to agree to the move. Raising the pitch, the party maintained the real intent of the NDA can be seen in Bihar. The Nitish Kumar government conducted a caste survey a couple of years ago, and yet policies and programmes do not translate as per the data. The Congress has now gone a step further offering its experience of having conducted a caste survey by its government in Telangana as a model.
Also Read: Caste Census | BJP stance shift may reshape Bihar poll narrative, say political experts
Politics will make parties across the aisle create a narrative and attempt to win the political battle of perception. Yet, the big takeaway is that this exercise would be one of those structural changes that will have all-round support. It should be a repeat of the other two other sudden decisions of the NDA government – the January 2019 reservation for economically backward sections and the September 2023 reservation for women, which were characterised as ‘masterstroke’.
Census data and its implication
The census, conducted every decade, was last conducted in 2011. The last census which should have been in 2021 had to be put off on account of the global health pandemic COVID-19. The dates for the massive country-wide exercise are yet to be declared. Now, with the decision to collect caste data,requires a dexterous questionnaire to capture various socio-economic metrics, caste, sub-castes and its heterogeneous shades.
The data should also change the composition of future Lok Sabhas and State Assemblies for a third of its seats will be reserved for women and linked with it is the contentious issue of delimitation of seats on the basis of population, an exercise frozen for 25 years in the year 2000.
The data generated will go beyond enabling the government to draw up plans and policies for equitable distribution of resources. It should provide the country with a truer picture of where different communities stand in terms of socio-economic growth, identify areas requiring greater thrust to reduce the gap between the haves and have-nots and in finding resources.
Concerns
There is an apprehension, lurking in the background by the experience of large-scale protests following the 1990 decision of the V P Singh government to implement the Mandal Commission report. The Commission provided reservation for other backward classes, which tore the social fabric back then.
The VP Singh government lost power and eventually it was left to deft handling by the P V Narasimha Rao Congress government to implement it without aggravating the sensitive situation. Can the caste census lead to the re-emergence of fault lines or three decades later, the society is more mature to address the situation?
Ever since the country moved on the path of economic reforms, several political parties and leaders have voiced concern over the shrinking of jobs in the public sector. This resulted in placing the reserved category at a disadvantage since similar affirmative action is not mandated in the private sector.
The Congress party promises that it will work to bring about a major change both for jobs in private enterprises and remove the 50% cap on reservations. The contribution of the entrepreneurial class and corporate sector in adjusting to these new features would be significant in India’s growth story.
—The author, K V Prasad, is an author and political analyst. The views expressed are personal.
Read his previous articles here
